Smart classroom Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Smart classroom - Essay Example Therefore, this paper aims to take a critical view of the use of smart classrooms, and its effect on the teaching/learning process, highlighting both its challenges, and the possible means to address these. In order to provide a more coherent discussion of the topic of smart classrooms, the study has a six structure, aimed to fostering better understanding of the topic. Therefore, the first part analyses the issue of smart classrooms from the teachers’ perspective, while looking into the benefits brought about by smart classrooms, especially by augmenting collaboration between students throughout the process of learning. The second part of the paper analyses the composing elements of smart classrooms. Furthermore, the possible challenges that are likely to occur while trying to implement smart classrooms are discussed under the final part of the present paper. Before entering deeper into the field of modern education, and the issue of whether smart classrooms have changed the understanding of traditional education, we will first proceed with explaining what smart classrooms actually are. According to Huang, Hu, Yang and Xiao (2012) smart classrooms are a sort of advanced technology which is designed to improve the learning experience and the classroom environment, enhancing both the learning and the teaching process simultaneously, by means of the newly introduced learning technology. This technology, as further explained by Huang, Hu, Yang and Xiao (2012), consists of PCs, various programmes, materials, innovative listening gadgets, and audio-visual devices or networks. Following the same direction, other researchers (e.g. Di, Gang and Juhong, 2008) point to the importance that the newly introduced technology acquire, to such an extent that they have turned into a vital device; a tool that plays an effective role in transferring and exch anging information within the IT governed environment. An important aspect that is

Stop and Frisk Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Stop and Frisk - Essay Example The trial court found him guilty of possession of a weapon by a prohibited possessor and possession of marijuana. The court of appeals reversed the decision claiming the standard required in Terry v. Ohio was not met. â€Å"Terry established that, in an investigatory stop based on reasonably grounded suspicion of criminal activity, the police must be positioned to act instantly if they have reasonable cause to suspect that the persons temporarily detained are armed and dangerous... Citing Terry, the Court further held that a driver, once outside the stopped vehicle, may be patted down for weapons if the officer reasonable concludes that the driver might be armed and dangerous... The Arizona Court of Appeals recognized that... once Officer Trevizo began questioning him on a matter unrelated to the traffic stop, patdown authority ceased to exist, absent reasonable suspicion that Johnson had engaged, or was about to engage, in criminal activity.† (Arizona,

Discuss With Reference To Edwin Chadwick History Essay

Discuss With Reference To Edwin Chadwick History Essay Dependent upon which historical field of study one has worked within, the image of Edwin Chadwick has, in past historiography, been somewhat polarized. Within the context of the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act, we are given an insight into the evil Edwin, the villain of poor-relief. His part in the creation of a deterrent system that focused upon indoor relief within the dreaded workhouse as its focus, made him unpopular contemporaneously, and historically. However, on the flipside of this coin, as one might expect, is an image of a man of morality. This Chadwick, unlike his earlier guise, has been heralded by historians as one the great figures and proponents of public health. His Sanitary Report (1842) was and is, seen as the pioneering piece of reformist literature that ignited the flame of public health in England.  [2]   Here I have shown the two sides of Edwin Chadwick. These two seemingly separate entities have been analysed by historians.  [3]  Yet, it seems that until recently, Chadwick within the public health context has avoided the scrutiny that the earlier poor law associated Chadwick has suffered. This can be attributed to a great degree to the early historiographical appreciation (or rather a lack thereof) of the new poor law. This image of the cruelty and amorality of the Amendment Act and the negative appraisal of the poor law post-1834 began with Beatrice and Sidney Webb. Their famous, and numerous, volumes on English local government have largely been discredited by current historians as somewhat ahistorical. It is sometimes far too easy to place upon a contemporaneous historical context modern attitudes and ideals. Early historical attitudes surrounding the new poor law suffered from this contemporary grafting. In the same vein, the historiography of public health in relation to Chadwick can be viewed as teleological. If not teleological, then it certainly suffered from a lack of questioning of Chadwicks public health ideals, especially those expounded in his Sanitary Report. The limitations of this historiography are being remedied by a current crop of historians, including Christopher Hamlin, Mary Poovey, and slightly earlier by Anthony Brundage.  [4]  The veneer of the Sanitary Report is being wiped away to expose the complexity of Chadwicks intentions hidden within the grain. Historians such as Hamlin have emphasised the political nature of Chadwicks Report. This new appraisal of the Chadwick of public health has narrowed the gap between the Chadwick of the poor law. There is only one Chadwick. This essay will hopefully disprove this duality of Chadwick, and emphasise the similarities between Chadwicks attitudes within a poor law context and those within the Sanitary Report. There a re politically charged threads that link his work within the Royal Commission for the poor law, between 1832 and 1834, to that of his 1842 Sanitary Report. Both the poor law and sanitation were components of Chadwicks wider reformist vision not only for England, but for Great Britain.  [5]  Chadwicks national picture of social organisation and improvement through centralised governing bodies, self-supervision, surveillance and discipline was based upon the assemblage of a mass of evidence and information. Centralisation, discipline, and statistics are the key threads to understanding Chadwick the politician, if he was such at all. Integral to an understanding of Chadwicks political persuasion is the influence of Jeremy Bentham and his Utilitarian principles.  [6]  This is a thread that shall run through and alongside the other threads; it is certainly a significant aspect of the politics of Chadwick. Some historians suggest that Chadwick was a product of Benthamite principles.  [7]   Therefore, a study of Chadwick without the inclusion of Jeremy Bentham would be a considerably diminished understanding of Chadwicks politics. The themes of Utilitarianism run throughout the work of Chadwick. His ideas on the makeup of the English or even British state are based largely upon the teachings of Bentham.  [8]  The Poor Law Commission within Chadwicks conception of administrative bodies was along very similar lines to that of Benthams Indigence Relief Minister. Furthermore, the later General Board of Health for which Chadwick can be attributed, was similar in many ways to the Minister of Health posited by Bentham. It is certainly clear that Benthams principles had a significant impact on Chadwicks ideas of central organization and administration.  [9]  Historians such as John Roach and Anthony Brundage have attributed this shaping of Chadwicks mind to Benthams Constitutional Code. This period of Chadwicks life, when living with Bentham, and helping him draft the C onstitutional Code, is posited as one of the most significant and influential periods in moulding his political, social and structural outlook. Yet, as Helen Benyon has suggested, after Benthams death, his pupil can be seen to depart somewhat from his code.  [10]  This divergence can be seen throughout Chadwicks career. For example, Bentham considered a royal commission to be an instrument of monarchical tyranny.  [11]  Yet as is well documented, Chadwick was heavily involved in such commissions, including his part in the Royal Commission on the poor law, for which he played a significant role. He even headed the Royal Commission on factories, and played an encouraging role in the commission that resulted in the passing of the Public Health Act in 1848. This divergence is not necessarily negative. In many respects, a royal commission was a fashionable tool of the Victorian period which engendered reform. Therefore, we can see Chadwick as merely using the political avenues th at existed to promulgate his own reformist ideals. In addition, much of what Chadwick created out of these commissions, in administrative and organizational terms was relatively utilitarian. This theme of centralisation and will be detailed in the proceeding section. One sticking point can be seen in Chadwicks opposition to universal political enfranchisement, something which Bentham certainly advocated towards the viability of democracy. This shift from Benthamism is certainly significant for later analysis of Chadwicks conception of social organisation within his Sanitary Report. This should not detract from the far-reaching effect that Benthams ideology had upon the later work of Chadwick. He was not a complete product of Bentham, his own past and ideological makeup mixed and fused with the latent Benthamite principles, the most significant of which can be seen in Chadwicks wholly national picture of reform and improvement towards intervention, and inspection through centralisation. Following this train of thought, we move into a key area of Chadwicks ideology. Centralisation was a significant aspect of the Chadwick model of organisation. It has its origins in Benthamism; of a considerably national and uniform system of institutional organisation.  [12]  An important factor in this is the Whig government from the 1832 Parliamentary Reform Act throughout the 1830s. As Brundage has suggested this Whig government presided over the most extraordinary periods of government growth in British history.  [13]  Reforms in areas such as the factories, the poor laws, education and police, all involved the growth of central government. There is a definite Benthamite flavour to this reformism. And this influence could be seen not only in the figure of Chadwick, but in moderate positions of power. Yet Chadwick is, for the purposes of this essay the most significant individual. His centralising vision is certainly along utilitarian lines. This was Bourne out of an abstr act and conceptual definition of paternalism which could be grafted onto his model of centralised government. However, the Whig governments idea of paternalism was along the more traditional lines of maintenance of the dominance of local government. The Whigs were open to government growth, yet only to uphold and strengthen this traditional paternal hierarchy.  [14]  In this respect one can see Chadwicks visions of central organisation as perhaps being moulded by his contemporaneous reality. England was more an agglomeration of counties, parishes, and common law courts than a state.  [15]  For his centralised vision to be accepted, he would have to make concessions. The structure of organisation and administration for which he provided for the poor law is a prime example of such a concession. He created the central body of the Poor Law Commission, the inspectorial and supervisorial enforcer of uniform relief, whilst keeping the local organs. However, these local unions presi ded over much larger geographical districts than under the old poor law, amalgamating several parishes together. Along with this example under the poor law, the earlier Factory Act, or Althorps Act passed in 1833 is probably a more significant indicator of the central interference of Chadwick. It was the first piece of legislation in Britain based on a major inquiry by experts entailing inference by the central government, supervised by agents of central government.  [16]  This centralised and uniform state driven ideology can even be identified within Chadwicks Sanitary Report. His vision of a national network of pipes, pumping fresh water into the homes and flushing out waste gives a very vivid image of state uniformity.  [17]  Furthermore, for the enactment of such a large scale task, he emphasises the need for a centrally organised system of expertise and authority. In 1848 the General Board of Health was set up. One can identify within Chadwicks work an overarching refo rmist vision. Within both the poor law (for which Chadwick has been negatively appraised) and the creation of public health (for which he is the patron saint) one can identify a continuity of his administrative vision of centralised institutions based upon authority, supervision and uniformity. In this respect, the gap between the Chadwick of the poor law and the Chadwick of public health converge to create Chadwick the reformist; a man with a national vision of improvement and Benthamite tendencies. Here a brief example of the importance of Benthams influence upon Chadwicks ideology might shed some light on Chadwicks policies. Anthony Brundage suggests that Benthams Panopticon plan is a physical representation of the concept of the tutelary State which Chadwick championed during the 1830s and 1840s. It resembled the Panopticon in its thoroughness, tidiness, and also its intrusiveness.  [18]  This design was intended for use in prisons or even workhouses, as an optimized system of surveillance. Yet here it brings to life, if only in image form, the importance of uniformity, and central authority in Chadwicks vision of the state. An important fact was that from the viewing tower all cells could be viewed, yet from the cells the central tower was not visible. This is an interesting aspect to consider in the context of Chadwicks vision, especially that of social improvement. Another significant thread of Chadwicks social vision is its disciplinary thrust. Both during his time within the poor law and public health domains there can be seen a subversive attempt by Chadwick to create an improved social body. The most troublesome of which was the labouring class. To understand the political nature of Chadwicks work, one needs to place it in its historical context. The most significant context is that of the Chartist movement. Emerging in the early 1830s and then re-emerging in the late 1840s, they were perceived as a very real threat to the Whig government of the time. The Chartist movement emerged out of the London Working Mens Association set up in 1836 by William Lovett. He later produced the Peoples Charter with Frances Place. They called for universal male suffrage. For the Whig government there was a very real fear that revolution could occur at any moment.  [19]  France was not so far away, and their recent history still lived fresh in the memory. There were several bouts of protests and marches by the Chartists, especially within urban areas. Some of which ended in violence, and the deaths of several Chartists. The Chartists movement was a rally point of sorts for the poor and disenfranchised labour population. Within this context one can understand the political nature of Chadwicks Sanitary Report in particular through his mouldin g of public health which incorporated a social preponderance. In addition to this context is that of the earlier disappointment at the inadequacies of the 1832 Parliamentary Reform propounded by Charles Greys Whig government. Along with this was the creation of the new poor law in 1834; the poor harvests during 1836 and 1837.  [20]  This context set the scene in which Chadwicks social and disciplinary ideas can be situated. Mary Poovey identifies Chadwicks attempt, through sanitary reform, to organise and control the labouring classes.  [21]  I use control here in the loosest sense of the word. Perhaps, as used earlier, discipline may be a more apt term. Chadwick, within the Sanitary Report, narrows public health to sanitation. Here one can identify Chadwicks divergence from the alternative attitudes towards public health such as existed in France, or even those attitudes of his British contemporaries, mainly within the medical sphere. He follows an environmental cause of disease through filth theory. This however, does not only constitute the physical illness, but Chadwick also incorporates psychological and social disease as being caused by this accumulation of filth.  [22]   His main focus is upon the labouring or working class, especially those within slums and residences of particular depravity. In a sanitary context these areas were identified by Chadwick as areas with the highest mortality rates. The other focal point is that of the importance of domesticity, and the cleanliness of the labourers domestic sphere not only towards the prevention of disease but also towards his social improvement.  [23]  Using rather selective evidence, (an issue that will be further elaborated upon in a later section), Chadwick identifies place and class as the most significant determinants in the causation of disease. In this way he proved that the most important factor in the spread of disease was not only material filth, but where you lived.  [24]  Chadwick discounted completely the workplace. With the aforementioned political (Chartist) context in mind, one can identify the disciplinary thrust to Chadwicks Sanitary Report. The politicisation of the labouring classes was to both Chadwick and the Whig government a significant concern. Within the Sanitary Report Chadwick discourages those same labouring men from homo-social activity within any sphere, but particularly that of the public house. Chadwick links the frequenting of such places of vice as a product of the depraved condition of the domestic sphere which was its self a consequence of filth and disease.  [25]  As aforementioned, many middle-class commentators were concerned with the working classes use of public space, especially that of public houses. These were not only associated with alcoholism and disorderly behaviour, but more significantly as places for radical labour organisation especially that of trade unionism.  [26]  In emphasising the importance of the domestic sphere Chadwick links the labouring mans individual identity to his family over any homo-social association. The growing urbanized and capitalist formation of England should be borne in mind. The industrialization of England during this period brought with it the emergence of the capitalism and the importance of the free market. In such a context the middling-classes also emerged and gained a foothold within this new state.  [27]  Furthering this idea of discipline and social ordering it is clear through the Sanitary Report that Chadwicks ideal for which the labouring class should aspire to be was certainly that of the middling class: the class who best fitted into the formation of Britain as an industrialising and capitalist nation. The middling class were seemingly more civilised than the labouring class, and more importantly they enjoyed lower rates of mortality. However, unfortunately for Chadwick, they were politically enfranchised.  [28]  This final issue as has been mentioned was significant. And within Chadwicks own work it creates a certain paradox.  [29]   Throughout his Sanitary Report Chadwick emphasises the importance of the respectability of domesticity, and improvements of the labouring class through the investment in institutions of savings, schooling, respectability and religion. Chadwick generalises the domestic values of the middle class to represent the whole of English society. Emphasising the importance of appropriated behaviour and their distinction from the frugality of the aristocrats and the licentious working-class, Chadwick establishes the naturalness of middle class living habits and the superiority thereof in both health and longevity.  [30]  Yet whilst placing this carrot of improvement in front of the labouring man, Chadwicks emphasis upon improvement is kept within the domestic sphere, thus allowing for sanitary and social improvement. This domestic emphasis limits the working man, actively avoiding and denying the political collusion that the middling classes enjoyed. In this way Chadwick allowed the laboure r only part of the carrot of improvement.  [31]  Chadwick, therefore, denies members of the labouring population the opportunity of establishing the kinds of relationships with each other that facilitated the consolidation of the middle class as a political entity.  [32]   In this respect one sees the attempt by Chadwick to discipline the labouring class through guidance and their own self-discipline. What is more significant here is how Chadwick is able, in the climate of a reluctant-to-reform government, to get sanitary reform passed. This can be attributed to a number of factors; most importantly, Chadwick was able in his report to incorporate the social into sanitation. Chadwick attributed filth theory not only to the causation of physical disease, but also to the causation of alcoholism and more significantly the labouring mans potentially revolutionary behaviour.  [33]  Chadwick addressed the political issue of the day whilst explicitly avoiding overtly political rhetoric. He made political unrest a sanitary issue. By masking those social issues with the sweeter taste of health and sanitation, Chadwick makes his vision easier to swallow for a reluctant government. This as Hamlin rightly points out is the true nature of Chadwicks Report. It wa s essentially a political piece of work, with social reorganization hidden behind the guise of disease prevention and public medicine.  [34]   This material and domestic focus allowed for Chadwick to avoid the issue of poverty as a determinant of disease. Chadwick discounted issues such as adequate food, clothing and sufficient wages as consequential to health. Although seemingly avoiding the issue of the poor law, Chadwick is inadvertently addressing the problem. His vision of sanitary improvement was intended to improve the very class for whom poor relief was a viable option. If through sanitation their physical, and psychological state could be improved then they would be less depraved, less inclined to drink and perhaps less likely to need to be relieved. Statistical information was not only a phenomenon of the Victorian period; it was also a powerful reformist tool, pioneered by the social reformist James Phillips Kay.  [35]  Information and evidence are significant factors in the understanding of Chadwicks work both within the Royal Commission for the poor law and within his Sanitary Report. Chadwick was quick to utilise the power of information to further his reformist plan. This is evident throughout his work on the Royal Commission of the poor law, and of the Factories, and certainly within his Sanitary Report.  [36]  Influenced by his contemporary James Phillips Kay, Chadwick embarked upon the use of statistics and evidence for reformist purposes. This would seem a noble endeavour, classically associated with the reformist movement, in work such as the aforementioned Kay, and many others seeking to improve England. Chadwick was shrewder with his statistical evidence. Many historians suggest that he used only those statis tics which would further his preconceived notions and aims. This is certainly evident mostly starkly, as Christopher Hamlin among other historians have identified, within the Sanitary Report.  [37]   Chadwicks narrowing of public health to that of sanitation is the prime example. Chadwick ignores completely the medical aspects of public health, refusing to include the medical profession into his vision. Furthermore, his emphasis upon the environmental cause of disease through filth completely ignored not only substantial evidence from physician such as Alison who exampled a complexity of issues to disease causation, but also his contemporary and friend James Phillips Kay. This narrow focus and selective evidence can be seen as a way of Chadwick avoiding certain issues for which he was reluctant to attribute to the health of the labouring class; that being poverty and the new system of poor relief. Chadwicks focus upon the physical moved the focus away from claims by Poor Law medical officers that harsh Poor Law policies were the cause of illness and disease  [38]  Thus, for Chadwick to avoid confirming in writing that his already hated poor law was also a cause of disease; he had to change tact and use statistics to prove otherwise. If hardship produced illness, a PL founded upon disincentives to seek relief was counterproductive and morally indefensible.  [39]  Chadwick took the same attitude with the compilation of his evidence within the poor law commission. He used and selected the right evidence that would bolster his policy. There was opposition, yet Chadwick seemed, and did, amass voluminous amounts of evidence that supported his claim.  [40]  Chadwick throughout the period applied statistics to bolster his preconceived cause. He was so successful that he not only managed to enact his reforms, but also, made those reforms seem like the only viable reality. Chadwick was certainly an active reformist during this period, and even before.  [41]  With regards to whether Chadwick was a politician in disguise, is certainly nuanced and complex. He was not a political figure; he was a reformist, and a civil servant of sorts.  [42]  Yet he certainly played the political game. He was active in much of the policy making that occurred during this period and had a significant role in the two most significant areas of reform; the poor law; and public health, for which he essentially established in England, if on somewhat narrower definitions than that of his French counterparts.  [43]  This in itself is an example of his attempts at creating a new social picture of England. His national vision extended from a centralised institutional authority to a mass social body. Everything Chadwick attempted was on a national scale. His vision of the improvement of Great Britain is evident in most of his works. And he was determined to have this visi on become a reality. His selective use of evidence, the focus of his Sanitary Report, the Royal Commission on the poor law, certainly sways one in the direction of politician in disguise. Much of his work in contemporaneous context had subtle and subverted political agendas. The poor law was based on a deterrent system, which aimed at the reduction of expenditure. This is a more explicit involvement. Yet the Sanitary Reports is a prime example of a politician in disguise. The overarching focus upon the health of the labouring poor is punctuated by the inclusion of discipline and social organisation. Yet for all these aspects, Chadwick was certainly more a product of his Benthamite roots. A man heavily influenced by Benthams Constitutional Code, but with his own individual drive and aspirations. In this way, improvement and reform were his true aims. He had a vision for the makeup if Britain and was determined to see that his ideas were realised, even if that meant making certain concessions to make it more appealing to government, and at times to cover his own back. One could suggest, especially within the Sanitary Report, that Chadwick chose sewers and water in a narrowing of public health because of their political innocuousness. He can be seen to actively avoid any explicit association with the politics of this area. Chadwick, unlike many of his Utilitarian contemporaries, was seemingly more inclined to diverge slightly from his Benthamite past if it meant the success of his policies.

88 Ways to Know Whether You Are Chinese :: essays research papers

88 Ways to Know Whether You Are Chinese ( BBS  µÃ‚ µÃ‚ °Ã‚ ¸) 1. You look like you are 18. 2. You like to eat chicken feet. 3. You suck on fish heads and fish fins. 4. You have a Chinese knick-knack hanging on your rear view mirror. 5. You sing Karaoke. 6. Your house is covered with tile. 7. Your kitchen is covered by a sticky film of grease. 8. Your stove is covered with aluminium foil. 9. You leave the plastic covers on your remote control. 10. You've never kissed your mom or dad. 11. You've never hugged your mom or dad. 12. Your unassisted vision is worse than 20/500. 13. You wear contacts, to avoid wearing your "coke bottle glasses". 14. You've worn glasses since you were in fifth grade. 15. Your hair sticks up when you wake up. 16. You'll haggle over something that is not negotiable. 17. You love to use coupons. 18. You drive around looking for the cheapest petrol. 19. You drive around for hours looking for the best parking space. 20. You take showers at night. 21. You avoid the non-free snacks in hotel rooms. 22. You don't mind squeezing 20 people into one motel room. 23. Most girls have more body hair than you, if you are male. 24. You tap the table when someone pours tea for you. 25. You say "Aiya!" and "Wah!" frequently. 26. You don't want to wear your seatbelt because it is uncomfortable. 27. You love Las Vegas, slot machines, and blackjack. 28. You unwrap Christmas gifts very carefully, so you can reuse the paper. 29. You only buy Christmas cards after Christmas, when they are 50% off. 30. You have a vinyl table cloth on your kitchen table. 31. You spit bones and other food scraps on the table. (That's why you need the vinyl tablecloth). 32. You have stuff in the freezer since the beginning of time. 33. You use the dishwasher as a dish rack. 34. You have never used your dishwasher. 35. You keep a Thermos of hot water available at all times. 36. You eat all meals in the kitchen. 37. You save grocery bags, tin foil, and tin containers. 38. You have a piano in your living room 39. You pick your teeth at the dinner table (but you cover your mouth). 40. You twirl your pen around your fingers. 41. You hate to waste food. 42. You have Tupperware in your fridge with three bites of rice or one leftover chicken wing. 43. You don't own any real Tupperware - only a cupboard full of used but carefully rinsed margarine tubs, takeout containers, and jam jars. 88 Ways to Know Whether You Are Chinese :: essays research papers 88 Ways to Know Whether You Are Chinese ( BBS  µÃ‚ µÃ‚ °Ã‚ ¸) 1. You look like you are 18. 2. You like to eat chicken feet. 3. You suck on fish heads and fish fins. 4. You have a Chinese knick-knack hanging on your rear view mirror. 5. You sing Karaoke. 6. Your house is covered with tile. 7. Your kitchen is covered by a sticky film of grease. 8. Your stove is covered with aluminium foil. 9. You leave the plastic covers on your remote control. 10. You've never kissed your mom or dad. 11. You've never hugged your mom or dad. 12. Your unassisted vision is worse than 20/500. 13. You wear contacts, to avoid wearing your "coke bottle glasses". 14. You've worn glasses since you were in fifth grade. 15. Your hair sticks up when you wake up. 16. You'll haggle over something that is not negotiable. 17. You love to use coupons. 18. You drive around looking for the cheapest petrol. 19. You drive around for hours looking for the best parking space. 20. You take showers at night. 21. You avoid the non-free snacks in hotel rooms. 22. You don't mind squeezing 20 people into one motel room. 23. Most girls have more body hair than you, if you are male. 24. You tap the table when someone pours tea for you. 25. You say "Aiya!" and "Wah!" frequently. 26. You don't want to wear your seatbelt because it is uncomfortable. 27. You love Las Vegas, slot machines, and blackjack. 28. You unwrap Christmas gifts very carefully, so you can reuse the paper. 29. You only buy Christmas cards after Christmas, when they are 50% off. 30. You have a vinyl table cloth on your kitchen table. 31. You spit bones and other food scraps on the table. (That's why you need the vinyl tablecloth). 32. You have stuff in the freezer since the beginning of time. 33. You use the dishwasher as a dish rack. 34. You have never used your dishwasher. 35. You keep a Thermos of hot water available at all times. 36. You eat all meals in the kitchen. 37. You save grocery bags, tin foil, and tin containers. 38. You have a piano in your living room 39. You pick your teeth at the dinner table (but you cover your mouth). 40. You twirl your pen around your fingers. 41. You hate to waste food. 42. You have Tupperware in your fridge with three bites of rice or one leftover chicken wing. 43. You don't own any real Tupperware - only a cupboard full of used but carefully rinsed margarine tubs, takeout containers, and jam jars.

Movie Review on the movie entitled “Hook” Essay

Peter has completely forgotten his earlier incarnation, which is probably just as well for his career. Not many high rollers would entrust the fate of an unfriendly corporate takeover to a fellow who has a pal named Tinkerbell and as a mortal enemy a sword-buckled pirate with a hook for a hand. Vincent Canby, 1991 Steven Spielberg’s movie entitled â€Å"Hook† was Peter Pan’s future life. The director showed the life of Peter Pan after his â€Å"ended battle† with his mortal enemy, Captain Hook. Peter married Wendy’s grand daughter but still have a heart towards Wendy. After a long period of time without seeing each other, Peter and Wendy reunited again to reminisce the past but Peter did not think of Captain Hook’s new way of revenge – to capture his children as a favor to his presence in the Never Land. According to Hal Hinson, â€Å"Hook† is the story of Banning’s redemption; it’s an extravagant fable about how Banning recovers his past as Peter Pan, saving himself and his family by (please excuse the psychobabble) reclaiming his inner child. It’s a ’90s movie to the bone, yet another moral lesson for our time. It’s also great fun: big, splashy, energetic, one-size-fits-all Hollywood entertainment. There are different symbolisms, images, and ironies that emerged and developed all throughout the movie. Spielberg’s way of depicting the adult character of Peter Pan showed his strengths as a hero and weaknesses as a person. Tinkerbelle’s loyal character towards Peter Pan became the reason how Peter came back to his home. Wendy has grown old but she feels every situation that happens when it comes to the presence of Hook and other people from Peter’s world. Wendy, Tinkerbelle, and Peter Pan are all depiction of fictional reality that exists in an ideal and real world. The same old room where Wendy and Peter met still exists in this movie. It means that there is still something to happen beneath the big window of this room. Here is where Peter’s children capture and goes to the Never Land. Peter already forgot how to fly, which seemed to be his greatest armor against his enemies. However, through Tinkerbelle’s help, he soon recognizes his life during his childhood that led him to restore his power ad ability to fly. This movie also showed the real feelings of Tinkerbelle towards Peter Pan. She loved him so dearly that is why she is still loyal to Peter from his younger years up to the moment they meet again. For me, it shows that Peter Pain is the ideal man to become a partner of every woman. However, he is not a man of perfection because he could not able to raise his children with emotional attachment. He thinks that by giving them a good life will give him the credit of being a good provider. Peter’s being too busy with his work tends to for get his children’s emotional needs. This scenario shows the battle between being human and extra human being. When Peter came to Never Land, the division of children and adults was depicted. Children’s side is known to be the good ones while the adults’ side is the opposite – the bad ones. Despite of the fact that children in this movie know how to defend themselves, they have no violent armors within them during the time of battle. It shows that the director is sensitive to the limitation of its audiences, which mostly are children. There are two significant sports that were seen in the movie – basketball is the traditional game in Never Land while baseball emerged to become the popular game in the modern period. However, the director showed that baseball was played by the pirates, which means that there is an incorporation of new tradition to the old tradition to justify the difference of the two periods. The symbolisms of watch, hook, â€Å"play-doh† food, and the baseball and basketball ball played an important role to the characters’ establishment as well as the story’s resolution. The watch symbolizes time. The part where Captain Hook destroyed the watches and clock with the help of Peter’s son illustrated the impeding of time in their society. I have seen the reason why Peter’s son also destroyed the clocks is because of his father’s lack of time towards him, her mother, and his sister. It does not really that there is a crocodile, which Hook’s worst enemy aside from Peter Pan but a justification of devastate the transformation of age. At the end of the movie, Captain Hook was seen to be old like Peter Pan. His wig covers his white hair as a representation of old age. Steven Spielberg’s point of view to describe Peter Pan’s adulthood and the concept of being old wanted to convey that everyone gets old and there is no escape with that. Only the memory will obtain childhood through reminiscence of the past. The hook symbolizes strength and weaknesses in both occurrences. According to the Facts of Piracy, a pirate who lost one of his body parts whether a finger, a hand, a foot, an eye, or a limb means that he is already incapable of doing things. This shows Captain Hook is incapable of doing things around him. It means that he is not a reliable and powerful master at all, which is an irony of his character where everyone treats him as a king of all the pirates. It was seen that despite of power that lies within his men, he is a man of nowhere. He is nothing as what a true pirate depicts. That is why every time Hook and Peter Pan take their battle, Hook always kneels unto Peter’s feet not to kill him for he is nothing but an abusive and injustice pirate of his period. Because of this, Captain Hook’s hook was his only armor to hide his incapability and immoral personification of king and master of all pirates in the Never Land. The â€Å"play-doh† food that was seen in the part when Peter and the children of his community are eating their colorful food symbolizes childhood. Robin Williams as Peter Pan showed his life during his childhood when there is no problem, pain, and sorrow – only happiness, simple happiness that represents the Never land’s simple way of living. The baseball and basketball ball signifies circle of life. Peter’s son always played this ball not only because it was his favorite game but it also represents the wheel of survival and living. There are ups and downs, failure and success, happiness and sadness, and discontentment and contentment. All these experiences mould us to become better individuals like Spielberg has conveyed in his movie. It means that life is like a ball in whether situation it may be – we can always feel ups and downs in rounded tops of life. Marjorie Baumgarten stated that Hook breaks the cardinal rule of J.M. Barrie’s timeless fantasy — it grows up. It is true in literal sense because Spielberg made his main characters Hook and Peter Pan grow old. However, he had justified all his thoughts and arguments as well as the reasons why he showed Peter Pan adult life. It seems that it is a depiction of social reality that everyone needs to understand. It is also good enough to show the children audiences that no person lived in young forever for there is not such thing as this concept. Despite of the fact that this movie is a fiction, Spielberg showed that literature is the mirror of the society that everyone needs to live according to the rule of life. Spielberg showed what he wanted to convey in his movie. It is a simple justification of age transformation that can happen to Peter Pan once he grows old. Spielberg did not insist of impose that this is the truth behind Peter Pan’s future but an option or choice to look after if we think of the probable life of Peter Pan once he became a mortal being. In terms of effects, costumes, setting, and characters, Spielberg established the scenarios into a better situation to show the true meaning and essence of Peter Pan’s personality and life after breaking his immortal being. The whole movie tackles one thing – Peter Pan’s existence in reality and his depiction of life as a mortal character. There are some flaws that exist but they are not really significant to the development of the character and the resolution. It shows that this movie is not perfect but it has established the important things and arguments that are needed to be discussed. As a whole, the movie is good in terms of technicalities and the director’s justification to his claim but in terms of breaking the traditional perspective towards Peter Pan immortal being is somehow hard to accept because many of us already live in a realization that Peter Pan does not transform into a complex and unfamiliar person. Works Cited Hinson, Hal. 11 December 1991. ‘Hook.’ â€Å"Washington Post.† 27 February 2008. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/movies/videos/hookpghinson_a0a725.htm Canby, Vincent. 11 December 1991. Hook (1991): Review/Film; Peter as a Middle-Aged Master of the Universe. â€Å"New York Times.† 27 February 2008. http://movies.nytimes.com/movie/review?_r=2&res=9D0CEEDD133EF932A25751C1A967958260&oref=slogin&oref=login Baumgarten, Marjorie. 13 December 1991. Hook. â€Å"Austin Chronicles.† 27 February 2008. http://www.austinchronicle.com/gyrobase/Calendar/Film?Film=oid%3a139216 WilczyÅ„ski, Krzysztof. (2008). Facts on Piracy. 27 February 2008. http://www.piratesinfo.com/detail/detail.php?article_id=57

Analysis on John Locke’s Prose Approach Essay

John Locke’s politically inclined state of establishing the innate sense of liberalism in his work is a manifestation of his political theories as well as with his deliberative arguments on certain instances that belie the natural and rational premises landscaping the governmental realm of ethical obligation as vanguard in illustrating the various interpretations reputable laws. Locke’s character in prose has dignified his capability to distinguish the form of biases which coherently occur in most obscure pieces in the world of literature (Locke, 1994). Moreover, such is evident that his contributory echelon on political philosophy and argumentative statements on ideas which seemed to be true to the eyes of many has been refuted in the most intellectual manner thus substantiating such manifestos in a precise and concise way (Locke & Goldie, 1997). Perceivably one of the astounding works of the aforementioned author is Two Treatises of Government, wherein he had been named as a father of modern constitutional state thus creating a masterpiece crediting his worth as a writer and a historian (Forster, 2005). The amazing factor of his work is well delivered in his method in categorizing the ideas which he wishes readers to swim on to thus not making them leave the gist of the whole thought. In the light, he expands his words to a rather conventional type but not too obsolete for that instance, so as not to drive away the enthusiasm of his work the contemporary state (Forster, 2005). His prose, being factual and persuasive at the same time explicitly denote his grandeur and ability to trigger classical concerns yet delivering an association if unorthodox political opinions armed with spontaneous solutions to his established squabbles . The fundamentals surfacing in his works may utterly sound confusing; however, it could then be taken to assumption that such is a ‘tricky’ way to launch a new label in the vortex and competition in prose writing and English mind despotism (Simonds, 1995). References: Forster, G. (2005). John Locke’s Politics of Moral Consensus. New York: Cambridge University Press. Locke, J. (1994). Two Treatises of Government. United Kingdom: Salem Press, Inc. Locke, J. , and Goldie, M. (1997). Locke: Political Essays. New York: Cambridge University Press. Simonds, R. T. (1995). John Locke’s use of classical legal theory. International Journal of the Classical Tradition, 3(4), 424.